Kolloquium Slawistische Linguistik - Vorträge im Wintersemester 2021/22
Fr 22.10., 12:15-13:45: Marco Biasio (Padua): Control, Discourse Participants, and Tempo-Aspectual Fluctuations in Slavic Performatives
Mi 3.11., 12:30-14:00: Ora Matushansky (CNRS/Paris 8): On the theme of Russian deverbal nouns
Abstract: Any hypothesis linking Russian verbal theme vowels to v, be it the functional head introducing the event argument of the verb or that contributing the external argument, predicts some correlation between its presence in deverbal nominalizations (ing- and er-nouns) and their semantics. My goal in this talk is to provide some discussion of this prediction.
Fr 12.11., 12:15-13:45: Björn Wiemer, Joanna Wrzesień-Kwiatkowska & Alexander Rostovtsev-Popiel (Mainz): Grammatical integration of n/t-participles of secondary imperfectives in Polish and Russian
(ursprünglich für den FDSL-14 Workshop 'Secondary Imperfectives in Slavic' vorgesehen)
Mi 24.11., 12:30-14: Marcin Wągiel (Brno): Part-whole structures across domains: Slavic derived spatial and social collective nouns
A long version can be downloaded from here: https://bit.ly/
Fr 03.12., 12:15-13:45: Uliana Yazhinova (HU Berlin): Sprachliche Zweifelsfälle im Russischen
Mi 15.12., 12:30-14: Tomasz Łuszczek (Warsaw): Opacity and Podhale Goralian
Mi 19.1., 12:30-14: Dagmara Grabska & Klaus Abels (UCL): The direct object is always low: the structure of ditransitive VPs in Polish
In this talk we propose a structural analysis of Polish ditransitive VPs according to which the direct object (DO) is generated lower than the indirect object (IO) regardless of the linear order between the two arguments and stays low. Using evidence from focus projection, predicate clefts and idioms, we support the view that IO-DO is the neutral order of Polish ditransitives and that it is associated with a rightward descending verbal shell structure (contra Bailyn’s 2010 account of Russian ditransitives and in accordance with Wiland’s 2009 and Łęska’s 2019 account of Polish ditransitives). Unlike Wiland and Łęska, who analyse the DO-IO order as being derived from IO-DO by leftward movement of the DO, we entertain a simple rightward ascending structure for this order. Preliminary evidence for this structure comes from quantifier scope interactions, as well as the order and scope of adverbs.
Fr 28.1., 12:15-13:45: Florian Wandl (Zürich): Reconstructing and visualizing relative chronology in linguistics
Mi 9.2., 12:30-14: Jelena Stojković (Leipzig): CV-alternations in Polish locatives reveal complex representations
The locative/vocative marker for masculine and neuter nouns has two realisations in Standard Polish. The morpheme consists of a single vowel, which surfaces as [e] if the final consonant is coronal, causing it to turn to prepalatal, but surfaces as [u] after a velar or an underlying palatal. This allomorphy is specific to locative marking (Czaplicki 2013) and was therefore earlier referred to as an argument for co-occurence constraints such as *[+back][-back] / PAL, joined with cyclic analyses (Rubach 1984, 2003) and morpheme-specific phonological grammars, with different kinds of lexical indexation (Łubowicz 2003, 2016; Gussmann 2007). This talk offers an alternative analysis in Autosegmental Coloured Containment (van Oostendorp 2006, Trommer and Zimmermann 2014, Zimmermann 2017, Zaleska 2018, Paschen 2018), a version of OT which lifts up the restrictions on underlying representations. By adopting these views and assuming that there is a single morph for LOC.M/N.SG, specified as front and back simultaneously, palatalisation becomes a realisation of frontness, velarisation and dissimilation -- realisations of backness. The approach straightforwardly extends to the allomorphy of infinitive suffix -ić/-yć. This way the need for lexical indexation, special co-occurence constraints and operations like dissimilation and palatalisation is removed from the UG. From the empirical point of view, the crucial advantage is in predicting the CV-interaction based on the underlying representation: morphemes with a complex UR induce a change on the stem because they are over- or underspecified, while morphemes with a simple UR (fully specified, e.g. for INS.SG -em) do not because their well-formedness is underlying.
Fr 18.2., 12:15-13:45: Anna Bondaruk & Anna Prażmowska (Lublin): Dative possessor with unaccusative verbs in Polish
This paper examines the syntax of dative possessors found with existential unaccusative verbs in Polish expressing addition, lack, loss, sufficiency, etc., called lack-type verbs here. Lack-type verbs in Polish do not represent dyadic unaccusatives, because the dative possessor they contain behaves like an external argument in that it can bind subject-oriented anaphors. The dative possessor is thus different from items introduced in the specifier of either a high or a low ApplP in Polish, which can never serve as anaphor binders. The unaccusativity of lack-type verbs and the external argument status of the dative possessor are reconciled by claiming that the dative possessor is merged in the specifier of VoiceP, the position typical of external arguments, which is nonetheless non-thematic (viz. expletive). Adopting Myler’s (2016, 2018) approach to predicative possession, we argue that the possessor role of the dative DP does not come from the lack-type verb itself, but is mediated by the possessed DP, denoting the relation between the possessor and the possessee. The dative, nonetheless, does not merge within the DP, but it saturates the possessor theta role via Delayed Gratification, once the DP is merged in the specifier of expletive VoiceP. Consequently, lack-type verbs in Polish have a structure similar to reflexive anticausatives, which also host expletive Voice. The dative possessor, in turn, resembles dative experiencers which likewise function as external arguments in Polish.
Fr 11.3., 12:15-13:45: Daria Seres (HU Berlin/UAB): Speakers’ choice of nominal forms in Russian as compared to Catalan - An experimental investigation