Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin - Sprach- und literaturwissenschaftliche Fakultät - Institut für Slawistik und Hungarologie

Vorträge im Rahmen des Kolloquiums Slawistische Linguistik

Im Sommersemester 2026 findet das Kolloquium donnerstags 16.15-17:45 (in Präsenz/hybrid) oder um 17:00-18:30 (zoom) statt (Präsenz: Dorotheenstr. 65, Raum 5.61). 

Wer an den Vorträgen teilnehmen möchte und den Zoomlink benötigt (für Präsenz/Hybridvorträge kommen Sie einfach vorbei) oder selber vortragen möchte, wendet sich bitte an Berit Gehrke.

 

23.4.2026, 17:00-18:30 [zoom]

Victoriya Trubnikova (Verona): Prefixed Verbs and Morphological Awareness in Heritage Russian: Evidence from Bilingual Children in Italy

The present study contributes to the research on Russian as a Heritage Language (HL) in the Italian context. While error analysis of heritage speakers’ production (Perotto 2019) informs acquisition studies by highlighting deviations from the standard, recent research promotes a view of heritage language as a specific language variety (Rakhilina et al. 2016; Kisselev et al. 2024; Kopotev et al. 2024). This approach restores agency to non balanced bilinguals by focusing on the metalinguistic knowledge and compensation strategies that HL speakers activate when producing non-standard linguistic forms.This case study aims to provide evidence on morphological awareness of prefixed verbs in Russian language. Our research focuses on inchoative (pet’ 'sing' / za-pet’ 'begin to sing') and delimitative (pet’ 'sing' / po-pet’ 'sing for a little while') perfectives of atelic verbs. According to our hypothesis, the choice of prefix is challenging both for non-native and HL speakers due to 1) the process of perfectivization in verbs denoting activities; 2) the interplay between aspectual morphology and contextually driven semantics; 3) optionality of prefix use, which leads to the employment of lexical strategies.We examine both production and comprehension skills of bilingual children residing in Italy with regard to the use of prefixed verbs expressing activities bounded in time. Based on existing research on aspect acquisition, we expect a reduced use of complex perfectives in production, however, it is yet to be determined whether children will encounter difficulties in interpretation.To test our hypothesis, we recruited 40 bilingual children aged 7-13 with Italian as their dominant language, enrolled in three private Russian language maintenance schools. First, in a pilot study between April and May 2025, we collected elicited narratives based on cartoon clips that the participants and control group saw prior to recording. In the corpus of 10 audio registrations we observed an absence of inchoatives and delimitatives if compared to native speaker data. Second, we performed an Acceptability Judgement Task with target prefixed verbs in grammatical and non grammatical phrases while expanding our production dataset. The data collection was concluded in November 2025. The triangulation of production and comprehension results will allow us to assess the operationalization of metalinguistic knowledge (Elder et al. 1999).The findings of this research will contribute to a better understanding on the acquisitional path of HL speakers of Russian, informing course designers and language teachers about the potential for morphological creativity. 

7.5.2026, 17:00-18:30 [zoom]
Ora Matushansky (CNRS/Paris 8): On decomposition and recomposition of Russian feminitive suffixes 

Russian feminitive formation comes in two varieties: the feminitive suffix can be added to the masculine stem (e.g., artist/artistka ‘performer.M/F’) or the masculine and the feminine nouns can bear equipollent marking (e.g., aktʲor/aktrisa ‘actor/actress’). Strikingly, the same holds for nouns derived with native Russian suffixes and may involve the same productive feminitive suffix (e.g., učítelʲ/učítelʲnica ‘teacher.M/F’ vs. provodnik/provodnica ‘conductor.M/F’).

I will examine the two types of feminitive formation in the context of complex affix formation and argue that the affixal complex ‑nic‑ should synchronically involve the adjective-forming suffix ‑ĭn‑ and the diminutive/feminitive suffix ‑ic‑ in more than one mode of composition.

 
21.5.2026, 17:00-18:30 [zoom]
Tanya Ivanova Sullivan (UCLA), Iliyana Krapova (Venedig) & Maria Polinsky (University of Maryland/NHLRC): The grammar of clitics: Evidence from monolingual and heritage Bulgarian

The grammatical status of clitics in monolingual and bilingual grammars remains contested: are they governed primarily by morphosyntax, or do prosodic requirements play a constitutive role in their distribution? Bulgarian offers a particularly informative test case, since its clitics are syntactically licensed but must also satisfy the Tobler–Mussafia law — an instantiation of the more general Strong Start constraint that prevents clitics from appearing in absolute clause-initial position. The interaction of these pressures makes Bulgarian clitic placement a sensitive diagnostic for evaluating the relative weight of prosody and morphosyntax in grammar.

We argue that bilingual data provide a uniquely powerful lens on this issue, since reduced or divergent input and cross-linguistic pressure can decouple components of the grammar that travel together in monolingual development. Tracing clitic placement across the lifespan in monolingual and heritage Bulgarian, we first draw on CHILDES corpora to identify three major stages in monolingual acquisition, with adult-like syntax–prosody mapping established by approximately age three. We then compare these patterns with production data from heritage children (aged 4;0–7;0) and experimental evidence from clitic comprehension in heritage adults, both groups residing in the United States.

The results reveal an intriguing asymmetry: heritage children show robust, largely target-like sensitivity to syntactic and prosodic constraints, while heritage adults exhibit reduced syntax–prosody integration and overgeneralize Strong Start beyond its target domain. These findings suggest that core prosodic requirements are successfully acquired in childhood but may later undergo attrition-driven reanalysis. We evaluate this pattern against three families of analyses: purely syntactic accounts, prosodic-inversion accounts, and DM accounts, in which clitic placement is derived through post-syntactic operations sensitive to prosodic well-formedness. The heritage-adult profile — where Strong Start remains productive but becomes unmoored from its original licensing environment — is difficult to reconcile either with a narrowly syntactic account or with a single PF-repair operation. Instead, it points toward an architecture in which prosodic constraints are represented at a post-syntactic level where they may reorganize independently under attrition. More broadly, heritage grammars emerge as a productive testing ground for theoretical questions about grammatical architecture that monolingual data alone cannot easily resolve.

 

11.6.2026, 17:00-18:30 [zoom]
Veronika Makarova (University of Saskatchewan): Doukhobors: the Rebel Minority and their Language Endangerment

This presentation focuses on the language and culture of the minority group of Canadian Doukhobors. It begins with a brief overview of the history and culture of Canadian Doukhobors, followed by a discussion of the distinctive features of their language, the causes of its endangerment, and ongoing revitalization efforts.

Doukhobors are a Christian religious dissenting group that originated in the Russian Empire in the eighteenth century. Because of their rejection of the Orthodox Church and refusal to perform military service, they faced persecution in Russia, prompting approximately 7,500 Doukhobors to immigrate to Canada in 1899. Their pacifism, communal farming practices, and efforts to defend their rights also led to discrimination and stigmatization in Canada. As a result of sustained marginalization and demographic decline, both their culture and language are now severely endangered.

Doukhobor Russian, currently still spoken by approximately 200 Doukhobors in their seventies to nineties, originated from Central and Southwestern Russian dialects of the nineteenth century. In twentieth-century Canada, prolonged isolation from other Russian-speaking populations and extensive contact with English led to the development of a unique language variety with distinctive phonological, lexical, and morphosyntactic features. Examples of these include /gh/–/x/–/g/ alternations, layers of dialectal, archaic, and borrowed English vocabulary, and the erosion of the neuter gender system.

The presentation concludes with a discussion of language maintenance and revitalization in the context of near-extinct languages. An online free community Russian language course offered by the author to Doukhobor learners is described.

 
25.6.2026, 17:00-18:30 [zoom]
Antonina Mocniak (Kraków), Alberto Frasson (Wrocław) & Dorota Klimek-Jankowska (Wrocław): Lose a feature but keep your head: Tense in the Old Polish perfect (and beyond)
Polish is often analysed as a T-less language (Bošković 2012), in which the loss of T coincided with a change in the realization of auxiliaries from full auxiliary verbs to clitics, and ultimately to agreement endings (Migdalski 2015). We argue that the historical trajectory leading to this state is more fine-grained and involves intermediate stages, identifiable across Old Polish texts. Variation in the form of auxiliaries in the Old Polish composite perfect, from which the Modern Polish past tense originates, reflects a systematic reconfiguration of tense features during the transition from a resultative perfect to a generalized past tense: full auxiliaries are associated with v bearing an interpretable present tense feature (Wurmbrand 2012). Subsequently, there existed an intermediate stage in which both v and T carried unvalued tense features, accounting for the semantic bleaching of the perfect and for the increasing attachment of reduced auxiliaries to the participle rather than to a present-tense auxiliary stem, which initially remains in v and is subsequently lost. More generally, our analysis situates Polish within a broader typology of perfect-to-past developments and shows how language-specific interactions between tense valuation, participle movement and cliticization shape the morphosyntactic outcomes of semantic change.
 
Selected references: Bošković 2012. On NPs and clauses. In Grewendorf & Zimmerman (eds.), Discourse and grammar: From sentence types to lexical categories, 179–245. De Gruyter. • Migdalski 2015. On the loss of tense and verb‐adjacent clitics in Slavic. In Biberauer & Walkden (eds.), Syntax over time, 179–196. OUP. • Wurmbrand 2012. Parasitic participles in Germanic: Evidence for the theory of verb clusters. Taal en tongval 64(1). 129–156.
 
 
2.7.2026, 16:15-17:45 [hybrid]
Maria Onoeva (HU Berlin/Prag) & Mariia Razguliaeva (ZAS Berlin): Polar questions in Russian (part II): From experimental perspectives to findings
This talk present results from a naturalness judgement experiment with audio on intonation in Russian polar (yes/no) questions. Previous work (Meyer & Mleinek 2006; Esipova 2025; Munteanu & Kiss 2025; a.o.) shows that in questions like Jana kupila knigu? ‘Did Jana buy a book?’, prosodic prominence can fall either on the verb (kupila) or sentence finally, here on the object (knigu): verb prominence results in a neutral, polarity-seeking reading, while end prominence requires supporting evidence from context. We extend these observations to negative polar questions, where two prominence positions are also available but remain theoretically underdescribed. We manipulated question polarity, prominence placement, immediate context, and the inquirer’s prior beliefs. The results support the previous theoretical observations: native speakers do distinguish between two prominence placements, and question naturalness is then modulated by context. In neutral contexts, positive polar questions with prominence on the verb were rated significantly higher than positive questions with end prominence. The pattern is reversed in contexts containing evidence for the expressed proposition. The study also brings new findings for negative polar questions: questions with verb prominence and negation are felicitous in neutral unbiased contexts, while end prominence and negation require evidence for ¬p. This shows that prosody differentiates between two readings in negative questions, namely evaluative and real sentential negation readings. Finally, we discuss limitations of the study and future research directions.
 
References:
Meyer, R. & Mleinek, I. 2006. How prosody signals force and focus—A study of pitch accents in Russian yes–no questions. Journal of Pragmatics
Esipova, M. 2025. Prosody across sentence types. Semantics and Linguistic Theory
Munteanu, A. & Kiss, A. 2025. Form-Meaning Relations in Russian Confirmative and Surprise Declarative Questions. Language and Speech
 
 
 
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